Combined Bomber Offensive (CBO) Analysis

Combined Bomber Offensive (CBO) Analysis The Anglo-American alliance during World War II (WWII) launched a series of strategic bombing campaigns against the Germans in what is now known as the Combined Bomber Offensive (CBO). The justness of the CBO is and has always been a controversial one, as some schools of thought see it as being just, and had as its primary objective the progressive destruction and dislocation of the German military, industrial and economic system. Thus, undermining the morale of the German people to a point where their capacity for armed resistance was fatally weakened[1]. However, other schools argue the aim of the CBO should be unambiguously stated as the destruction of German cities, the killing of German workers, and the disruption of civilized life throughout Germany[2]. These bombing campaigns on German cities like Dresden, which led to deliberate mass killings or murder of civilians on a large scale by the CBO, is seen as unjust. The bombing of the German city of Dresden will be used as a case study to give a balanced analysis of the CBO in this essay as it is the most controversial. This essay will analyse both schools of thought, taking into consideration if the CBO met the elements of justice in war -Jus in Bello. Analysing the involvement of the Anglo-American alliance in the CBO and the bombing of Dresden during WWII by the principles of Jus in Bello military necessity, proportionality, discrimination and humanity; this essay will determine that the CBO against Germany was just. Jus in Bello has been used as criteria to analyse and determine the justness of CBO against due to the fact that the CBO was an act in the war, which has to be analysed in order to determine if the act of the CBO met the legal and ethical justness. The CBOs objective to attack the city of Dresdens industrial and economic system was a legitimate military necessity. The doctrine of military necessity, states an attack or action must be intended to help in the defeat of the enemy; it must be an attack on a legitimate military objective[3]. Looking at the CBO attack of Dresden from this perspective, it was a legitimate military necessity; because the bombing of the industrial centres and other targets of the economic system was crucial for the CBO in order to slow down the German war machine. The concept is known as the Industrial Web theory, which was developed by Sir Hugh Trenchard, Colonel Billy Mitchell and General Giulio Douhet. Boog et. al support this principle of military necessity as they argue that the Germans could best be eliminated by destroying her armaments industry and the result of that will be breaking the civilian populations will to resist[4]. However, critiques of the principle of military necessity have debated on its controversy, and a grey area on their minds is that of the justness of the CBO on Dresden. Their argument is that the attack on Dresden might be military necessity, but why was it ok for the CBO to kill non-combatants; also their argument is based on the fact that Dresden wasnt of any importance to the Germans. Michael Walzer gives a counter argument to this school of thought when he argues that military necessity supersedes the killing of civilians in a supreme emergency, and he uses Nazi Germany in WWII as an example of supreme emergency for Great Britain[5]. He goes on further to state that: if the situation is grave enough to justify killing or putting at risk ones own citizens to accomplish military objectives, then military necessity may also justify the same risk to other non-friendly non-combatants[6]. Further to that, the arguments of the critiques on the less importance of Dresden to the Germans at the time of the CBO are incorrect. The veracity of this argument is seen in the RAFs briefing notes to its Squadrons which attacked Dresden: Dresden has developed into an industrial city of first-class importanceà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ its multiplicity of telephones and rail facilities is of major value for controlling the defence of that part of the front now threatenedà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦. The intentions of the attack are to hit the enemy where he will feel it most, behind an already partially collapsed frontà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦[7] These justifies of the attack on Dresden, on the basis of military necessity, which, resulted in production in industries stopping. The bombing of Dresden was therefore not wanton but was justified by military necessity and it was also aiming at civilian morale[8], in order to slow down the German war machine. Jus in Bellos principle of proportionality is an area of contention used by critiques to analyse the unjustness of the CBO. Proportionality means avoiding needless destruction to achieve justified ends[9]. One school of thought argues that the firebombing in Dresden caused more destruction than was necessary. John V. Denson, in his book, Costs of War, supports this theory: it seems to me that the moment has come when the question of bombing of German cities simply for the sake of increasing the terror, though under other pretexts, should be reviewedà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦.The destruction of Dresden remains a serious query against the conduct of Allied bombingà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦. I feel the need for more precise concentration upon military objectivesà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦. rather than on mere acts of terror and wanton destruction, however impressive[10]. Other schools have a different perception of what is proportional and hold that the CBO was proportional with the destruction of civilian targets in Dresden. Proportionality is a hard criterion to apply, as there is no ready way to establish an independent or stable view of values against which the destruction of war is to be measured[11]. The use of the firebombing in Dresden was proportional, despite the argument that sees it as not fulfilling Jus in Bello principle of proportionality. Michael Walzer, in his book supports the justness on the basis of proportionality when he says: it would be difficult to condemn soldiers for anything they did in the course of a battle or a war that they honestly believed, and had good reason to believe, was necessary, or important, or simply useful in determining the outcome[12]. The justness of this principle is the lack of technology at the time of the attack on Dresden, which was the best approach to be utilised at the time. Precision bombing had been used prior to that and it was impracticable, thus, area bombing had to be the means employed[13]. Moreover, with the bombing of Dresden, the Germans supplies of liquid fuels were eliminated with a far smaller cost in causality than would have been incurred had there been no resort to the bombing and destruction of the industrial capacity[14]. Discrimination is another principle which has been used in this essay to analyse how just the CBO on Germany in WWII was. Discrimination within Jus in Bello means avoiding direct and intentional harm to non-combatants[15]. Looking at the CBO based on this, it was a just act, as it did not set out with the intention of attacking and killing civilians. A.C. Grayling in his book argues that there is no such thing as putting non-combatants to the sword during the course of sacking their towns, as this is not classed as murder; for this is no less than their soldiers would do if matters were the other way round and they were sacking your town instead[16]. However, some school of thoughts hold that the attack on Dresden was a deliberate bombing of the civilian population, thus, makes the CBO unjust. They further support their argument that attacks on civilian populations have often happened in wars throughout history, but this fact does not amount to a justification of the practice; moreover, there are no acceptable circumstances in which killing civilians is allowed[17]. This essay argues in line with Douhet, an air power theorist that war as a national phenomenon, involves the totality of a nations activities and forces, and no longer organised forces alone; this is why the distinction between combatants and non-combatants are superseded[18] . The CBO, therefore, was against Germany and not the Nazi government, thus, all the Germans are classed as combatants. Thus, the principle of discrimination was respected and followed, as the CBOs main aim was to attack the enemys industry, and civilian casualties were an unavoidable side-effect[19] as was the case in Dresden. Jus in Bello principle of humanity, also shows how just the CBO against the Germans in WWII was. Humanity is defined as regulating the conduct of those involved in fighting as well as safeguarding human life and curbing the level of violence[20]. Critiques argue that the CBO was inhumane especially with the firebombing which caused untold pain and suffering to the population: it was a war of despair and mounting torments there were no signs that the bombings would lead to a collapse. It was incomprehensible how people struggled on.[21] They also hold that the wholesale destruction of German cities, Dresden foremost among them, could have been averted, even if attacks on urban rail centres had continued[22]. The above argument is flawed given that the degree of devastation suffered by the people of Dresden in the firestorm was an unfortunate weather condition, as prevailing wind helped, and did much of the damage and caused many of the deaths, and was not intended by the CBO, who, at the request of the Russians forces, had seen Dresden as an important choke-point for supplies and troops moving[23]. Further to that, the CBO was just, as it was humane as it shortened the war and prevented a lot more death and loses on both sides. Hasting in his book sums this humanity point when he states: we just wanted to get it over with if we could bring the end closer by dropping bombs on Germany that was fine by us[24]. In conclusion, the CBO was just, despite the controversies surrounding the bombing of Dresden, which others might see as an unjust and legally wrong act of the CBO which goes against Jus in Bello principle of proportionality. However, the principle of military necessity outweighs this school of thought as the German armament production figures continued to rise through much of 1944, and these would undoubtedly have been very much higher but for the effects of the bombing on both industry and workforce[25]. Thus, the CBO was a necessary and ethically just act, and attacks on industrial targets like supplies of fuel, which resorted to the bombing of industrial capacity[26] in order to slow down the Germans fighting edge. References Archives, The National Archives. The Rise and Fall of the German Air Force 1933-45. Kew, Richmond, Surrey: United Kingdom, 2008. Bess, Michael. Choices Under Fire: Moral Dimensions of World War II. Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group, 2008. Biddle, Tami Davis. Rhetoric and REality in Air Warfare. New Jersy: Princeton University Press, 2002. Charles Guthrie, Michael Quinlan. Just War; The Just War Tradition: Ethics in Modern Warfare. London, New York and Berlin: Bloomsbury Publishing, 2007. Christopher, Paul. The Ethics of War Peace. Uppper Saddle River, New Jersey: Pearson Education, Inc., 2004. Denson, John V. The Cost of War: Americas Pyrrhic Victories. New Brunswick, New Jersey: Transaction Publisher, 1997. Grayling, A C. Among the Dead Cities. London: Bloomsbury Publishing Plc, 2006. Green, Leslie C. The Contemporary Law of Armed Conflict. Manchester, Canada: Manchester University Press, 2008. Hastings, Max. Armageddon: The Battle for Germany 1944-45. Chatham, Kent: Mackays of Chatham plc, 2004. Hippler, Thomas. Bombing the People: Giulio Douhet and the Foundations of Air-Power Strategy, 1884-1939. Cambridge: Cambridge Univeristy Press, 2013. Horst Boog, Gerhard Krebs, Detlef Vogel. Germany and the Second World War, Volume VII. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2006. Johnson, James Turner. Morality and Contemporary Warfare. Binghamton, New York: Yale University Press, 1999. Overy, Richard J. The Air War, 1939-1945. New York: Stein and Day, 1980. Walzer, Michael. Just and Unjust Wars. New York: A Member of the Perseus Books Group, 2000. [1] Biddle, (2002), p.215 [2] Denson, (1997) p.352 [3] Walzer, (2000), p.144 [4] Boog et. al, (2006), p.365 [5] Christopher, (2004), p.163 [6] id. [7] Hastings, (2004), p.387 [8] Grayling, (2006), p. 202 [9] Johnson, (1999), p36 [10] Denson, (1997), p.352 [11] Walzer, (2000), p.129 [12] id. [13] Grayling, (2006), p. 227 [14] The National Archives (2008) p.298 [15] Johnson, (1999), p36 [16] Grayling, (2006), p.4 [17] ibid., (2006), p.4 [18] Hipper, (2013), p.170 [19] Grayling, (2006), p.216 [20] Green, (2008), p.17 [21] Hastings, (2004), p.376 [22] Ibid. p. 355 [23] Grayling, (2006), p.224 [24] Hastings, (2004), p. 370 [25] Ibid.378 [26] The National Archives, (2008), p.298

Contributions of Feminism to Security studies

The contribution of feminists to security studies have been described as four separate categories; where the International Relation feminists query the hypothetical nonexistence and peripheral nature of women in international security politics, interrogate the extent to which women are secured by state protection in times of war and peace, critique the ever ever-existence assumption that gendered security practices address women only and contest the discourses wherein women are linked unreflectively with peace. Feminists have conceptualized the core concepts like security, the state, violence, war and peace while at the same time uncovering new hardheaded knowledge about sexual violence in war, gendered participation in armed conflict as well as the masculinity of militarization (Carpenter, 2002: 300). International Relation feminists have studied specific empirical situations to deduce explanatory as well as ethical theories of International Relation. They have traversed the crisis in Bosnia, African peace keeping operations, civil military relations in South Korea and the wars in Iraq. Though some of the emerging exemplar of human security as well as Copenhagen school stress the significance of individuals within the security issues they still fail to recognize that not all individuals face those issues the same. Feminists have decided to make women noticeable as subjects in international security (Edkins & Epstein, 1997: 120). They portray attention to the invisibility of female and gender subordination within the theory and practice of security politics. Less than 10% of the heads of state of the world are women. Feminists ask why this should be the case and how this is likely to affect the structure as well as the practice of global politics. The empirical case studies of the more current new generation feminists have manly focused on hitherto underrepresented issues like military prostitution, sensitive households, domestic service as well as home-based work which are always performed by women. Through the use of gendered lenses, we are able to see that in spite of the myth that wars are fought by men as a way of protecting the ‘vulnerable people’, a category to which women and children are assigned, women and children represent a significant portion of the causalities in the recent wars. And while are underrepresented as military casualties in terms of their participation in militaries all over the world, they are over represented as civilian victims in terms of their percentage of the population in war zones. Women and children make up between seventy five to eighty percent of the refugees displaced by the effects of war. Feminists have drawn the attention to the frequency as well as the severity of wartime rape, characterizing it as a war crime, as genocide and extreme form of torture. War affects women drafted to provide sex to the soldiers. For instance, more than one million Korean women have suffered in the same way since the beginning of the Korean War (Moon, 1997: 112). Looking at the sound effects of war on women, we are able to gain a better understanding of the unequal feminine relation that sustains the military activity. Whereas feminists highlight the essentiality of seeing women understand conflict and war, they too put emphasis on how these gendered constructions are able to help us understand not just some of the causes of war but certain ways of think about the nature of security have been legitimized at the expense of others. Gendered lenses do not just show where women are during conflict and war but also the structure of war and conflict. Realists define security primarily in terms of state security. A state that is secure is one that is position to protect its physical borders against an anarchical global system. Neorealist put much emphasis on the anarchic international- system’s structure. In this case there is no sovereign to regulate the state behavior. They paint states like Bosnia, Somalia and Iraq as unitary actors whose internal structures as well as policies are less crucial than the anarchic condition for explaining their insecurity and security. The power seeking nature of a state together with the military capabilities are viewed as avenues designed at increasing security of the state; security specialists believe than that the habit of power seeking so as to promote the level of security explains much of the international behavior of the states. Poorest Nations of the world have active military operations within their borders. Consequently, the conflicts contribute to high number of civilian casualties to the extreme structural violence which is done to people when their basic requirements are not met as well as environmental destruction. Security is all about an individual safety. The survival of an individual is therefore the key to his or her safety. But survival has always been threatened by bombs, but this is not even all. Inadequate food, health care, shelter, and transportation threatens the physical integrity of the bodies of individuals, and the most affected are women and children. The safety of an individual is of importance than just being able to stay alive. It is also about the ability to have a home and raise a healthy family. Most women in war affected countries spent the better part of their lives in refugee camps and have never known the meaning of a happy leaving. According to feminists, security is about the safety issues which affect the lives of people, mostly women (Edkins & Epstein, 1997: 208). Civilian casualties, power outrages, food shortages, structural violence, militarism together with the human rights are security issues. The lives of women can be insecure even when the states feel safe. Security has to be seen from marginalized members of the societies, those that are highly susceptible to insecurity. Feminist security prioritizes justice together with emancipation. Feminism exclusively contributes the perspective of how the lives of women demonstrate the violence in the events that are not traditionally perceived as security threats. Without Gender, Security is Incomplete Scholarly work that accepts a gender-subordinating world the way it appears akin to the history of a victor: no matter how good it may be, it is incomplete with adverse moral problems. This is verified by the look at the non-combatant principle of immunity and what feminists refer to as an illusion of the protection of women or the protection racket. In her piece of writing, Women, Children and other Susceptible Groups, Charlie Carpenter emphasize the importance of gender in international advocacy concerning the protection of civilians through reference to the beliefs of the advocates that their message is likely to be salient incase it is understood in terms of defending women and children particularly (Carpenter, 2002: 302). The immunity structure of women has been greatly distorted through reliance upon the proxy of women and children for civilians. The distortion is likely to affect the protection in sub-optimal ways. There is need for a clear understanding of what needs protection and why. The principle of immunity within the just war tradition is hazy and highly subject to considerable manipulation for political purposes. This kind of problems may be enough to cause the current lack of effectiveness. Whereas the principle of immunity appears to protect women, in real sense, it risks the lives of women and also perpetuates gender subordination at the same time. The modernization of the Malaysian economy in 1970’s led to an increase in the number of the underpaid and exploited foreign female household workforce within the country. It was a case of rejecting the traditional economic validation due to the fact that the economic theory overlooks the involvement of the state or the social dynamics that surround foreign domestic worker involvement. In order to win the support of the middle class and lessen the ethnic tension, the state of Malaysia backed the hiring of foreign female domestic workers and the workers worked in slave-like conditions. In such a case, just like in many other countries, the state played the role of manipulating class, gender as well as race to control power in order to benefit a few citizens and disadvantage others. The scholars reveal gender that is entrenched within the power structures and consistence with the critical International- Relations theory, ultimately aimed at changing the status quo. The works of feminists contribute to the realm of the protection in an untraditional way. For instance, they bring to light the insecurities that women have inside and outside of the traditional war zones. To add on that, because they have the ability to recognize the physical, ecological, structural as well as sexual violence as security threats, they appropriately apply security on the individual level. Through underscoring human safety, mainly at the political margin, feminists refocus security discourses from the policies of the state to the lives of the individuals. Certainly, wars are known to threaten safety. But oppressive relationship of work as well as sexual slavery also threaten it and therefore has to be recognized as universal issues of the human insecurity and justifiable topics within international security. Through bringing about the discussion and concentrating on how the ideas on how gender affects and are affected by politics, the constructivists of feminism build on the foundation that is availed by the social constructivists. In his book, Modern Security Studies, Collins examines international dialogue and law in relation to home based work. He reveals that the dominantly home-based female workforce is highly undervalued. Because the work takes place in a private sphere, it is not considered to be legitimate by many. As a result, women suffer low wages as well as poor working conditions without being provided with an opportunity to change their circumstances. Due to the fact that the workforce is dominantly women, the institutionalization of the rights of the workers is vital to feminists. In terms of war, the constructionists of feminism try to determine the reasons as to why the issue of security remain absent within the mainstream of security discourse. For example, though not included in the description of conventional warfare, the economic sanctions on Iraq between the Gulf wars had incredible security impact on Iraqi communities as well as the citizens, excessively on women. While implementing the policy, the United Nation Security Council was aiming at instigating the opposition of the citizens to the government of Iraq. In a sense, through making the residents of Iraq suffer, the United Nation hoped they would revolt against their government. This kind of policy at the end of the day became a war against the innocent citizens. Whereas the well-off Iraqi in government or in the upper class were able to acquire goods through black market, the majority with lower incomes, particularly women, children as well as the elderly could hardly get anything Though the sanctions do not constitute a declaration of war from those concerned, military attacks, they contribute to emergence of war. Feminists mainly focus on the physical as well as the structural violence existent on the ground within the affected communities. And for them, conventional wars as well as economic sanctions both deserve recognition as significant and momentous security issues (Sassen, 2000: 508). Concerning the use of language in society as well as the effect on our understanding of the reality, poststructuralists stress the relationship that exists between knowledge and power. In most societies, those who posses intellect also have the capability to frame most crucial agendas and discussions, that endow with them the needed power. Traditionally, men are known to dominate the sphere of learning and intelligence. On the other hand, women are viewed as less intelligence followers who react to the supremacy of men. In particular, feminist stress the linguistic dichotomies in international security discourse which favor the attributes of masculinity. Pairs of words like strong/weak in security studies have obvious gender link because women are stereotypically feeble and more emotional. Feminists perfect in one of these divisions are point out that the gendered as well as racial implication within them have direct consequences (Collins, 2007: 28). Through donating inferiority of a given gender or race, the dichotomies shape the current perception of gender within our society. Through the demolition of the hierarchical language, feminists hope to minimize the hierarchy in our realism as well. Postcolonial Feminism Just as feminists assert a society exists with knowledge that mainly set forth by men, postcolonial feminists find fault within the knowledge that is solely based upon the experiences of the privileged western women. They do not consider female’ a homogenous category. The class, geography, race and culture experienced by individual women tend to change their perception of the world. Accordingly, postcolonial feminists’ state that contrary to the beliefs of western women, almost all women do not have the same level of emancipation needs and wants (Jackson, 1998: 70). They are fond of fighting the stereotype of the third world women as poor, victimized and lacking in agency. In due course, the feminists believe that gender subordination takes place through interaction of gender, culture and race. Through acknowledging this fact, they aspire in defining the needs of the women based on the factors rather than creating a universal list of them. Sexualized Discourse and War Sexualized discourse within the international security takes place in varied form and aspects of the military and war. For instance, in weapons technology gendered language pervades the discourse. When a weapon is first created, the makers refer to it as if it is a male being born. When it is completed, it penetrates the enemy lines the same way men penetrate women. The aggressive sexual language eventually joins with feminine language to make war seem civilized in spite of its violent nature. The abuses, for instance rape that occur during the war go away completely unmentioned (Collins, 2007: 78). Within the international security dialogue, there are cases of sexualized and gendered discourse. When describing the Gulf Wars, various politicians as well as other people draw a comparison of the situation to the sexual intercourse. During the discussion of the overthrow of Saddam, the U. S officials mentioned the frustration that though the forces had ‘penetrated’ the ‘inner sanctum’, they had not yet achieved a satisfying outcome. International Security on the Lives of Women Quite a number of Feminists employ a more micro-level scrutiny in determining the effects of international security on individual lives of women. For example, (Hansen 2000) tries to improve the analysis of feminists of foreign policy through asking them why, how and when the governments use women not just on a gendered ideology but also as instruments of foreign policy. About the South Korean women ‘working’ for the military of the U. S. , Hansen concludes that individuals and organizations should incorporate military prostitution within the global security discussion of the gender rules in war times. Conclusion In an attempt to broaden the sphere of security studies, feminists emphasize those aspects of security that have been ignored by the dominant social science. They recognize the presence of women in international security politics and query the state protection which women supposedly receive in time of war and peace (Elshtain, 1995: 49). They also scrutinize the alleged link between women and peace and show that gendered discourses usually affect the entire population. Through highlighting the differences and also exploring the current literature relating to feminist security learning, this review was aimed at showing the reasons as to why the aspects of commonly ignored aspects are actually critical to the study of security. Instead of simply being a supplement to the prevailing security theory, feminist security studies require utmost consideration to enable full understanding of the world.

Public Education in the Philippines Essay

Literacy rate in the Philippines has improved a lot over the last few years- from 72 percent in 1960 to 94 percent in 1990. This is attributed to the increase in both the number of schools built and the level of enrollment in these schools. The number of schools grew rapidly in all three levels – elementary, secondary, and tertiary. From the mid-1960s up to the early 1990, there was an increase of 58 percent in the elementary schools and 362 percent in the tertiary schools. For the same period, enrollment in all three levels also rose by 120 percent. More than 90 percent of the elementary schools and 60 percent of the secondary schools are publicly owned. However, only 28 percent of the tertiary schools are publicly owned. A big percentage of tertiary-level students enroll in and finish commerce and business management courses. Table 1 shows the distribution of courses taken, based on School Year 1990-1991. Note that the difference between the number of enrollees in the commerce and business courses and in the engineering and technology courses may be small – 29.2 percent for commerce and business and 20.3 percent for engineering and technology. However, the gap widens in terms of the number of graduates for the said courses. On gender distribution, female students have very high representation in all three levels. At the elementary level, male and female students are almost equally represented. But female enrollment exceeds that of the male at the secondary and tertiary levels . Also, boys have higher rates of failures, dropouts, and repetition in both elementary and secondary levels. Aside from the numbers presented above, which are impressive, there is also a need to look closely and resolve the following important issues: 1) quality of education 2) affordability of education 3) goverment budget for education; and 4) education mismatch. Quality – There was a decline in the quality of the Philippine education, especially at the elementary and secondary levels. For example, the results of standard tests conducted among elementary and high school students, as well as in the National College of Entrance Examination for college students, were way below the target mean score. Affordability – There is also a big disparity in educational achievements across social groups. For example, the socioeconomically disadvantaged students have higher dropout rates, especially in the elementary level. And most of the freshmen students at the tertiary level come from relatively well-off families. Budget – The Philippine Constitution has mandated the goverment to allocate the highest proportion of its budget to education. However, the Philippines still has one of the lowest budget allocations to education among the Asean  countries. Mismatch – There is a large proportion of â€Å"mismatch† between training and actual jobs. This is the major problem at the tertiary level and it is also the cause of the existence of a large group of educated unemployed or underemployed. The following are some of the reforms proposed: Upgrade the teachers’ salary scale. Teachers have been underpaid; thus there is very little incentive for most of them to take up advanced trainings. Amend the current system of budgeting for education across regions, which is based on participation rates and units costs. This clearly favors the more developed regions. There is a need to provide more allocation to lagging regions to narrow the disparity across regions. Stop the current practice of subsidizing state universities and colleges to enhance access. This may not be the best way to promote equity. An expanded scholarship program, giving more focus and priority to the poor, maybe more equitable. Get all the leaders in business and industry to become actively involved in higher education; this is aimed at addressing the mismatch problem. In addition, carry out a selective admission policy, i. e. , installing mechanisms to reduce enrollment in oversubscribed courses and promoting enrollment in undersubscribed ones. Develop a rationalized apprenticeship program with heavy inputs from the private sector. Furthermore, transfer the control of technical training to industry groups which are more attuned to the needs of business and industry.

The Perils Of Obedience, By Philip Zimbardo Essay

In 1963, Yale psychologist Stanley Milgram conducted a disputable, but highly revered, study on obedience. The experiment was designed to test people’s morals versus an extreme authority, but, as predicted, obedience prevailed. Then in 1973, Philip G. Zimbardo created his own experiment, not unlike Milgram’s, that analyzed the potential of individuals to withstand the pressure of succumbing to an obedient role based on the environment. Both Stanley Milgram, author of â€Å"The Perils of Obedience,† and Philip Zimbardo, author of â€Å"The Stanford Prison Experiment,† conducted controversial experiments that proved that when an ordinary person was put into a different role it affected their obedience to authority. In his article, Milgram pointed out that his study found that sixty percent of ordinary people would agree to obey an authority figure even to the point of severely hurting another human being (Milgram 582). Zimbardo wanted to study and comprehend how prisoners lost their freedom, rights, privacy, and become more obedient but, he also wanted to understand how the guards gained their power and control from the situation (Zimbardo 620). Either way, the experiments highlighted how much of a person’s obedience could be affected based off of the specific roles that they are put in. Zimbardo began his experiment by publically arresting his prisoners, and he made sure that there was no difference between all of the men. They were all average and separated into the two groupsShow MoreRelatedThe Perils Of Obedience, And A Few Good Men1059 Words   |  5 Pagesdefend the nation. It required unquestioning commitment and obedience to orders. The articles, â€Å"The Perils of Obedience† by Stanley Milgram and â€Å"The Stanford Prison Experiment† by Philip G. Zimbardo mainly focuses on potential of â€Å"evil in ordinary people when placed in situations where a higher authority is operated against the individuals own moral (Milgram) or when potential perpetrators are given total power over defenseless victims (Zimbardo). A Few Good Men is a story about two Marines, Lance CorporalRead MoreEssay on Obedience to Authority574 Words   |  3 PagesObedience to Authority Today our society raises us to believe that obedience is good and disobedience is bad. We are taught that we should all do what we’re told and that the people that are disobedient are almost always bad people. Society tells us this, but it is not true. Most people will even be obedient to the point of causing harm to others, because to be disobedient requires the courage to be alone against authority. In Stanley Milgram’s Perils of Obedience experiment, his studiesRead MoreThe Perils Of Obedience By Milgram And The Stanford Prison Experiment1207 Words   |  5 PagesHumanity will always question the idea of obedience. Two prestigious psychologists, Stanley Milgram and Philip G. Zimbardo, conducted practical obedience experiments with astonishing results. Shocked by the amount of immoral obedience, both doctors wrote articles exploring the reasoning for the test subjects unorthodox manners. In The Perils of Obedience by Milgram and The Stanford Prison Experiment b y Zimbardo, the professionals reflect their thoughts in a logical manner. Milgram s experimentRead MoreSummary Of The Perils Of Obedience Essay979 Words   |  4 Pagesa profound psychologist, conducted an experiment of obedience, which became immensely popular and revealed the power of obedience in today s world. Milgram presented his findings in his article, The Perils of Obedience. Like Milgram, Philip Zimbardo, professor of psychology at Stanford University at the time, conducted the Stanford Prison Experiment, which tested average people s abilities, or lack thereof, to resist authority or obedience. Lee Ross, professor of psychology at Stanford UniversityRead MoreThe Negative Effects of Obedience1308 Words   |  6 Pages Throughout the years obedience has had an enormous effect on human history. It has caused nations to rise and fall, prosper and suffer; yet it has also brought destruction among innocent people. The Jewish holocaust is one of the best public ized examples of the perils of obedience. Hitler caused otherwise normal people to commit atrocious acts, acts that greatly reduced the number of Jewish people. Philip Zimbardo, a professor of psychology at Stanford university, questions to whatRead MoreEssay on Best-Known Examples of the Perils of Obedience1294 Words   |  6 PagesThroughout the years obedience has had an enormous effect on human history. It has caused nations to rise and fall, prosper and suffer; yet it has also brought destruction among innocent people in several gruesome measures. The holocaust is one of the best known examples of the perils of obedience. Hitler caused otherwise normal people to commit atrocious acts, acts that nearly exterminated all of the Jewish people. Philip Zimbardo, a professor of psychology at Stanford university, questions toRead MoreObedience to Authority Essay1331 Words   |  6 Pagessuccumb to obedience even when common sense tells them that what they are doing is wrong. Zimbar do’s Stanford Prison experiment, Milgram’s electric shock study, and the scandal surrounding Abu Ghraib are reflections on the outcome of obeying a command regardless of the results and why someone would do so. An experiment by Zimbardo provided insight on how a regular person changes roles when placed within a specific social setting. The Stanford Prison Experiment was conducted by Zimbardo strictly onRead MoreObedience As the Means to a Peaceful Life Essay1542 Words   |  7 Pagesthe name of obedience. Zimbardo, Milgram and Orwell show that obedience is a response to the role one assumes in life; to find personal satisfaction and inner peace, one must demonstrate obedience. As found in the infamous Stanford Prison Study, the conviction with which people assume their roles, as well as the extreme behavior they are willing to go to perpetuate their role and demonstrate obedience to the perceived authority stunned even the designer of the study, Phillip Zimbardo. In this studyRead MoreThe Stanford Prison Experiment Essay1207 Words   |  5 PagesAnthony Westcott English 252-Instructor Levine Writing Assignment 2 October 26, 2015 The Stanford Prison Experiment During the summer of 1973 an experiment of the psychology of imprisonment was conducted by psychologist Philip K. Zimbardo. Zimbardo created his own jail in the basement in the Stanford University psychology building. Every participant had to be mentally and physically fit in order to participate in this experiment. Participants were randomly split into two groups’, guards and prisonersRead MoreAnalysis Of Zimbardos The Perils Of Obedience1189 Words   |  5 PagesStanley Milgram, an American social psychologist, writes in his article â€Å"The Perils of Obedience† about an experiment he designed which forced participants to either obey the demands of an authority figure, in this case the experimenter, or to turn against obedience and refuse to proceed in the experiment (Milgram 78). He found from this experiment that a minority of the participants refused to obey orders by the experimenter; therefore, most of the participants followed the orders given by the experime nter